The violent riots erupting across at least British 21 cities plunged our country into a national crisis. It is too early to assess the full impact of the past two weeks, including the wider social and economic ramifications.
Arson on hotels accommodating asylum seekers; attacks on homes, cars, businesses and mosques; assaults on members of the public and the police; solicitors and theatres forced to close; vandalism of Muslim graves; and damage to our international reputation are some of the consequences. And all this while the families of Bebe, Alice and Elsie, fatally stabbed in the Southport knife attack, are suffering unbearable grief.
This wanton destruction and utter disregard for communities is heinous and an assault on our country and on a free society. While grievances exist – both real and perceived – there cannot be any justification for such behaviour.
The debate about the causes of the riots will persist, and rightly so, but one factor that cannot be ignored is the role of far-right leaders and organisations who for years have cynically exploited tensions and incidents. From spreading disinformation and conspiracy theories, these agitators have persistently disseminated extremist propaganda in an attempt to radicalise and recruit people to their dangerous cause with the hope of mainstreaming their ideology and shifting the “Overton window”, the range of policies that people will accept at a given time. While careful not to fall foul of counter-terrorism laws, they have been at the forefront of inciting hatred against British minorities including Muslims and Jews – but also asylum seekers and refugees.
This was evidenced in my official reports. Extremism has evolved substantially over the past decade. Technological advancements, the lack of regulation of online platforms, the use of sophisticated tactics, the lack of legislation to curtail their dangerous activity are some of the reasons. The warning signs had been flashing red for some time and yet the last government did not build the necessary strategic approach to pre-empt and prevent such threats. It is imperative that the new government rectifies these chronic policy failings.
This includes publishing a much needed counter-extremism strategy; updating the hate crime strategy, overdue since 2020; addressing gaps in legislation and lack of an operational infrastructure as outlined in my 2021 report Operating with Impunity, co-written with Mark Rowley; ensuring that the Online Safety Act addresses extremist propaganda, some of which is being viewed millions of times because it is classified as “legal but harmful”; publishing a code of practice and a classification system for extremist conspiracy theories and disinformation to help guide Ofcom and online platforms. These measures can be implemented while protecting lawful freedom of expression.
My review this year into threats to social cohesion and democratic resilience highlighted the absence of an effective social cohesion strategy, a vital tool in identifying and preventing societal risks.
There are also gaps in Whitehall’s analytical capability: we lack a comprehensive framework to assess the state of cohesion across the country. For example, what are the risk factors that make an area more susceptible to extremism and the protective factors that support community resilience against extremism?
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Some data provides clues. Research from the 2011 English riots suggests that strong community cohesion, a shared identity, community pride and having a stake in their neighbourhood stopped or reduced people rioting in their area, with analysis highlighting that 71% of the riots occurred in the areas ranked in the worst 10% for social cohesion. Lack of belonging, self-worth, sense of equity and democratic participation in communities facing hardships can also create the conditions in which extremist narratives take hold.
Academic literature demonstrates that where social cohesion is low, disenchanted groups can adopt disinformation and conspiracy theories. Support and engagement for conspiratorial beliefs has been linked to lack of trust in the political system and disengagement from democracy, and is often associated with segments of society that feel powerless and disenchanted. Time-series data shows how in the past four decades the UK has experienced declining trust in government and parliament, and decreasing confidence in political parties and the press – a climate that can provide fertile ground for extremists. So the challenge facing the new Labour government cannot be ignored. These dreadful riots and eroding trust in our democratic model show that overlooking long-term policy areas like social cohesion is now untenable.
The government can start by considering the recommendations in my reviews. It should also commit to a review into the riots to help understand the causes and provide answers to questions including why some towns and cities did not erupt in riots or violence while others did.
The lack of meaningful engagement with white disaffected and disfranchised communities is long overdue. The government must promote a factual narrative of immigration and address real concerns about the impact that high levels of immigration are having on local resources. This was an issue every local authority that I spoke to shared with me.
We must also condemn the idea that the riots occurred because of a “failure of integration and multiculturalism”. This feeds disillusionment among some ethnic minorities who, while living in fear, were also having to endure this erroneous and bigoted narrative that blamed them for the riots. While some Muslim counter-protesters did engage in criminality and were rightly convicted, it was white perpetrators who instigated the riots, their names and faces published following sentencing.
Finally, our politicians must take a consistent approach to all forms of extremism. Throughout my career I have seen some Labour politicians willing to address far-right extremism but ignoring the threat of Islamist extremism. Conversely, I have also witnessed some Conservative politicians talk only about Islamist extremism, turning a blind eye to far-right extremism. This inconsistency does nothing for preserving social cohesion or countering extremism and, as recent YouGov polling shows, 52% and 47% of Britons see Islamist extremists and right-wing extremists respectively as “a major threat”.
It is easy to take our plural and cohesive society for granted. Threats old and new continue to undermine our ability to live well together and yet we lack the necessary strategic approach to prevent this. This must now be addressed.